The development of criminal law in the ))Society of risks« proves a transition from liberal and constitutional to social and authoritarian criminallaw as criminal matters are integrated into positive law and gain priority over it. The constitution-oriented model of criminallaw as a complex interrelationship between citizens and the state is re-interpreted to a one-dimensionallegal relationship characterized by punishment being carried out by the state. On the other hand it must be stressed that in the scientific and technological society democracy can (...) no Ionger retain its validity as a form of rule, only as a way of life. Given this precondition criminallaw is aiming at protecting the rights to communication and participation in the society which is based on a basic law. (shrink)

Cet article expose les premiers contacts d’Alexandre Nequam (1157-1217) avec la traduction latine du Liber de causis dans sa proposition 2, et le recours à son ami le théologien Alain de Lille ( c. 1120-1202) qu’il jugea nécessaire. Celui-ci répondit par ses quatre premières Regulae theologicae.

Este trabajo sostiene que Egidio Romano y Dante Alighieri han utilizado el Liber de Causis como fuentede sus tratados de filosofía política. Asimismo, ambos autores han trasladado al ámbito político el modelode causalidad neoplatónico para defender tesis opuestas respecto del problema de la autonomía de los poderesespiritual y temporal. Mientras que, para fundamentar la intervención directa del papa en los asuntosdel poder temporal, Egidio postula la anulación de las causas segundas que actúan sobre la realidad; en la teoríade (...) Dante sobre el imperio, la no cancelación de los poderes intermedios entre el emperador y los súbditospermite establecer conceptualmente una cierta autonomía del poder temporal respecto del espiritual.This paper argues that the Liber de Causis was a source for both Egidio Romano`s and Dante Alighieri`s philosophical and political treatises. Both authors used a Neoplatonic model of causality in orderto sustein opposite theories on the relationship between temporal and spiritual powers. Egidio bases thedirect intervention of the pope in temporalibus on the annulment of the second causes which operate inCreation. On the contrary, in Dante`s political theory, the intermediary powers between the emperor and the subjects are precisely that which allows —from a theoretical point of view— a certain independence of the temporal power from the spiritual one. (shrink)

Traducción y notas de Alexander Fidora y Jordi Pardo Pastor . Nuestra traducción sigue el texto latino de Alexander Fidora y Andreas Niederberger, Von Bagdad nach Toledo ? "Das Buch der Ursachen" und seine Rezeption fin Mittelalter. Mainz, Dieterich'sche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 2001, donde se ofrece una nueva edición del texto latino presentado en su día por Adriaan Pattin revisándolo teniendo en cuenta las importantes sugerencias del arabista Richard Taylor . Éstas, a su vez, resultan, en su mayoría. del cotejo del importante (...) manuscrito latino de Aosta, Seminario Maggiore. Ai° D 20.Como las dos recientes traducciones castellanas del Liber de cau sis tan sólo tienen en cuenta el texto de Pattin, y parecen desconocer las propuestas de Taylon hemos creído conveniente publicar esta tercera traducción, señalando los cambios más importantes respecto a la edición de Pattin siempre y cuando éstos afecten a la traducción. Además, hay que advertir que ambas traducciones dividen el texto del Liber en 219 sentencias; sin embargo. esta división es una ficción editora introducida por Celsao Pera en su edición de la Sancti Thomae de Aquino In Librum de causis expositio, Roma. 1955, que no tiene ningún fundamento en los manuscritos. A pesar de que esta división pueda parecer "pedagógica", como afirma Cruz Cruz en su traducción citada, p. 26, n. 29, prescindimos de ella, ya que sugiere que el texto sigue una lógica puramente axiomática. mientras que su argumentación es harto más compleja. Con todo, ambas traducciones siguen siendo muy útiles y de alta calidad. y también han sido consultadas con gran provecho para esta versión.El texto latino conduce a una aparente paradoja, ya que constata que la causa sigue su efecto . Se trata aquí de un problema de la traducción latina de Gerardo de Cremona quien vierte el término árabe waliya por sequitur, en vez de "estar junto" o "cerca de". Lo que el texto original quiere expresar, por consiguiente, es que la causa acompaña su efecto, no que ésta le siga. No hace falta, pues, cambiar el pronombre ipsum por ipsam? como ha hecho Pattin, refiriéndolo así a la primera causa. (shrink)

Partiendo del conocimiento que los árabes tuvieron de los textos neoplatónicos atribuidos a Aristóteles, tales como la Pseudo-Teología y el Liber de Causis, la autora de este estudio investiga el posible conocimiento que Avicena tuvo de este último libro, conocido en el mundo árabe por el título de Kalam fi mahd al-hayr. Se apoya, para ello, en el análisis de cuatro pasajes de la Metafísica de la gran enciclopedia filosófica Al-Sifa ("La curación").

RESUMO A tradução árabe de alguns trechos do tratado de metafísica "Elementatio Theologiae" de Proclo, conhecida com o nome de "Liber de Causis" e atribuída erroneamente a Aristóteles, influenciou três grandes pensadores dominicanos da Idade Média: Alberto Magno, Tomás de Aquino e Meister Eckhart. Composto de 31 proposições, defende a tese da existência de uma causa primeira que dá o ser a tudo o que existe, sem nenhuma exceção. Os estudiosos são unânimes em reconhecer que este livro pseudoepigráfico (...) possui um peso relevante nos momentos centrais da obra eckhartiana, tanto latina quanto alemã. Em particular, o turíngio lança mão da auctoritas do "Liber de Causis" para sustentar a imanência-transcendência simultânea da causa primeira com relação às criaturas, a doutrina da hierarquia dos entes, a concepção do ser como ratio prima da criaturalidade, a inefabilidade de Deus. Além desses aspectos ontológicos, este trabalho apresenta também o aspecto especificamente antropológico do esvaziamento de toda criatura como conditio sine qua non para a união com o único Uno, um traço inconfundível da presença do "Liber de Causis" na obra de Meister Eckhart. ABSTRACT The Arabic translation of some stretches of the treatise on metaphysics "Elementatio Theologiae" of Proclus, known under the name "Liber de Causis" and wrongfully attributed to Aristotle, influenced three great Middle Age Dominican thinkers: Albertus Magnus, Thomas Aquinas and Meister Eckhart. Composed by thirty-one propositions, it advocates on the thesis of existence of a root cause that gives the being all things existing, with no exception. Scholars are unanimous in acknowledging that this pseudoepigraphic book has a relevant weight in the central topics of the Eckhartean works, on both the Latin and the German ones. Particularly, the Thuringian scholar makes use of the "Liber de Causis’s" auctoritas to hold that the simultaneous immanence-transcendence of the root cause regarding the creatures, the doctrine of the hierarchy of beings, the conception of the being as a ratio prima of creatureness, God’s ineffability. Besides those ontological aspects, the present work also presents the specifically anthropologic aspect of the emptying of all beings as conditio sine qua non for the union with the One Being, an unmistakable trait of the presence of Liber de Causis in Meister Eckhart’s work. (shrink)

알베르투스는 『원인론』(Liber de causis)을 분리실체(이존실체)에 관한 아리스토텔레스의 이론으로 간주하는 중세의 일반적인 원인론 수용 전통을 충실히 따르고 있다. 뿐만 아니라 그는 13세기 라틴 중세의 아리스토텔레스적인 『원인론』 수용의 가장 대표적인 사례이기도 하다. 알베르투스는 『형이상학』과 『원인론』을 종합하는데에 아랍-신플라톤주의적인 아리스토텔레스 철학을 해석학적 도구로 사용하는데, 이 과정에서 원인론의 몇몇 핵심 내용들이 굴절되어 나타난다. 그는 제일원인이 세계에 작용을 일으키는 방식에 대해서 소위 페리파토스 정식(quod non tangit, non agit)과 알가잘리(al-Ghazālī)의 형이상학의 근본명제(ab uno non nisi unum)에 기반한 설명을 내놓고 있다. 이런 측면에서, 『원인론 주해』에 나타난 알베르투스의 (...) 선성(bonitas)의 유출 형이상학(La metaphysique de flux)은 원인론의 자구에 충실하지 않은 해석을 전제한다. 본 논문은 알베르투스의 『원인론 주해』 에 나타난 제일원인 자체이자 제일원인에서 세계로 흘러드는 제일선성의 개념을 이중적으로 사용한 동기를 정당화할 근거를 찾고자 한다. 원인으로서의 제일선성과 유출된 것으로서의 제일선성이 동일하다고 하면서, 제일선성의 초월적인 특성보다는 세계 내적인 특성에 좀 더 초점을 두는 알베르투스의 입장은, 『형이상학』을 『원인론』과 결합할 때에 발생하는 형식적 모순을 해결하려는 의도와 관련이 있을 수 있다. (shrink)

Este artículo pretende dilucidar la expresión utilizada por Tomás de Aquino “vuelta al fantasma”, con la intención de esclarecer lo que entiende por “vuelta”. Se argumenta que el marco conceptual subyacente al “giro intelectual” se encuentra en dos fuentes islámicas que fueron ampliamente influyentes en la psicología filosófica latina del siglo XIII, y que presentan conceptos técnicos específicos de la “vuelta” como un tipo de dependencia. Las obras son: Liber de Causis, de autor anónimo; y Liber de (...) anima, del filósofo persa Avicena. Así, este artículo busca recuperar este marco histórico subyacente, examinando cómo estas dos fuentes clave conciben la “vuelta” y cómo Tomás de Aquino incorpora estas fuentes en su concepción de la “vuelta al fantasma”. (shrink)

O Comentário ao Liber De Causis pertence à última fase das obras de Santo Tomás. Foi escrito, com toda segurança, no primeiro semestre de 1272, em Paris, como testemunha uma cópia parisiense da obra. O De Causis trata das primeiras causas das coisas, que estão constituídas em três ordens, e da distinção e dependência das causas entre si. O texto de Santo Tomás segue passo a passo as proposições em que a obra se divide, que são trinta (...) e duas. Estas trinta de duas proposições são verdadeiros capítulos desenvolvidos a partir de uma tese central. Santo Tomás expõem-nas a modo de lições. (shrink)

If we consider that being and its multiple meanings represent the subject of Aristotle’s Metaphysics - of which the Liber de causis was the ‘official’ complement in the teaching programmes of medieval universities -, it may seem odd that one of the points perceived as most troublesome and innovative in the Liber was precisely the concept of being. Among the most quoted and commented passages of the De causis is indeed proposition IV, which states that being (...) is the first of created things. Yet this first created thing, which represents the level closest to the First Cause, is called at the same time esse and intelligentia. But even apart from this double identification, what is to be understood here, in the strict sense, by esse? The assonance between the lemma of prop. IV and the statement of Ps.-Dionysius the Areopagite according to which ‘being’ is the first divine participation granted to creatures, helped to increase the fortune of the lemma, but also conditioned, at least in part, its interpretation by Scholastic masters. As an analysis of the Latin manuscript tradition of the De causis and its commentaries shows, Latin interpreters hesitate to attribute to the esse mentioned in the Liber an existential value or an essential meaning; however, this hesitation or oscillation may in fact be rooted in a stratification already present in the Liber itself, both because of the peculiar nature of the first created thing and because of the difficulty of translating the Arabic lexicon into Latin. (shrink)

This article examines pivotal aspects of the reception of Proclus' Elementatio theologica in the commentary on the Liber de causis written by Giles of Rome at the end of the 13th century. The article examines Giles's understanding of Proclus’s philosophy in relation to the Neoplatonic framework of the Liber de causis, and shows how this understanding accounts for the theoretical divergences of Giles's and Thomas Aquinas's interpretations.

This article proposes a first systematic approach to the manuscript tradition of the Liber de causis. It studies both the manuscript variants and the doctrinal difficulties raised by the transliteration of the Arabic al-ʿaql preserved in the Latin translation. Some authors interpreted this transliteration as a concept forged by Arab philosophers without an equivalent in Latin. Other authors do not mention it because they probably knew a different branch of the manuscript tradition. By examining one hundred and ten (...) Latin manuscripts of the Liber de causis, the article establishes a list of the numerous variations regarding the presence of this transliteration in the text and its forms or spellings. This analysis enables a better understanding of both Albert's position and the hitherto unsuspected diversity of the transmission of the Liber de causis in the Latin West. (shrink)

Diese Ausgabe bietet erstmals den vollständigen lateinischen Text des ersten Buches des Kommentars zum Liber de causis in kritischer Edition mit deutscher Übersetzung. Sie entstand als ein Gemeinschaftswerk aller Editoren und Mitarbeiter an der in Progreß befindlichen Editio Coloniensis, der kritischen Gesamtausgabe der Alberti Magni Opera Omnia. Albertus Magnus - der Beiname "der Große" ist seit dem 14. Jahrhundert belegt, nachdem ihm schon die Zeitgenossen den Ehrentitel "doctor universalis" verliehen hatten - wird in den Annalen der Philosophiegeschichte zwar (...) stets respektvoll genannt; aber der Schatten seines großen Schülers, Thomas von Aquin, legte sich lange Zeit so sehr über sein Werk, daß die herausragende Stellung, die Albert für die Grundlegung und Ausgestaltung der Metaphysik in der Philosophie des Mittelalters einnimmt, erst neuerlich wieder in das Zentrum der Forschung gerückt ist. (shrink)

Die Untersuchung der wallonischen consolatio-Übersetzung führte zur Entdeckung und Neudatierung eines lateinischen consolatio-Kommentars, der auch von Jean de Meun benutzt wurde. Somit kann durch Gegenüberstellung von Vorlage und Übersetzung an einem konkreten Beispiel Einblick in die Übersetzungspraxis im Mittelalter gewonnen werden.

An unpublished Latin commentary, never mentioned in the secondary literature, is in Augbsburg, Staats- und Stadtbibliothek, 4° Cod 68 ff. 272va-278ra. The same hand copies the text of the Liber de causis , the interlinear glosses and the commentary. This is most likely the result of an oral teaching, as the author refers to a previous lectio. The article discusses the explicit quotations of Albert the Great, Thomas Aquinas and Proclus, and shows that the anonymous author offers an (...) original hypothesis about the author of the Liber de causis, that he openly criticizes Thomas Aquinas’ theory of substantial forms, but he often uses Thomas to quote Proclus. (shrink)

El renacimiento cultural del s. XII es producto de una serie de circunstancias que se pueden sintetizar en tres factores: el desarrollo económico, la expansión demográfica y el apogeo urbano. Dichas circunstancias parecen mostrar la decadencia del sistema feudal y la apertura a la sociedad moderna. Al resurgimiento literario y filosófico le acompaña el metodológico. La lógica aristotélica se convertirá en instrumento necesario tanto en los debates teológicos como jurídicos. Ya no presidida por el viejo esencialismo o la inmanencia griega, (...) se convertirá en técnica imprescindible para una sociedad que muestra una clara mentalidad ciudadana y mercantil. (shrink)

After a presentation of the main onto-theological theses contained in the Liber de causis, the author explains how they were received and interpreted by Thomas Aquinas and Siger of Brabant in their respective commentaries on the short treatise “de primis causis rerum.” Starting from a mistranslation of the word “yliathim,” Thomas “injects” into the De causis his own doctrine of the distinction between being and essence. As for Siger, while he is often regarded as an adversary (...) of Thomas Aquinas, his ideas about the ontological difference between the Prime Cause and the created beings are on the very lines of the Thomasian lecture of the Liber de causis. (shrink)

This paper examines how the metaphysical theses of the Liber de causis are read in De ecclesiastica potestate of Giles of Rome. The hypothesis of this study is that the causal models developed in both texts are different, and therefore the metaphysical theses of the first cannot be the basis for the political theses of the second. Both in the Liber de causis and in De ecclesiastica potestate there is only one causal chain, i.e. in both (...) texts “all power” comes from God. However, this does not imply that in the Liber de causis “the power of all” comes from God. On the contrary, in the Liber de causis, the secondary causes are sovereign in their action. Thus, the political model of the “plenitudo potestatis” - and of expiry of the legal order - built in De ecclesiastica potestate cannot be derived from the metaphysics set out in the Liber de causis. (shrink)

L’article pose pour la première fois la question de la réception d’un texte essentiel pour l’histoire de la pensée européenne, le Liber de causis, en Transylvanie, aux confins de l’aire culturelle latine. Cette première tentative d’exploration se penche plus précisément sur un commentaire bien connu, appartenant à Thomas d’Aquin. Le commentaire, transmis sous une forme imprimée datant du 24 mai 1493, fait partie d’un volume composite qui se trouvait, aux alentours de 1500, dans la bibliothèque des frères dominicains (...) de Sibiu/Hermannstadt (en Roumanie), volume qui comprenait en outre un traité aristotélicien de Walter Burley, également imprimé (daté 8 juillet 1488), et un exemplaire manuscrit de la Métaphysique. Les auteurs s’intéressent au contexte de la transmission du commentaire au Liber de causis et à la signification à donner à la note marginale manuscrite placée en début du commentaire de Thomas d’Aquin : «hic liber est incorrectissime impressus». Ce détail témoignerait d’une connaissance et d’une réception actives de ce texte par les dominicains transylvains de la fin du Moyen Âge. (shrink)

L’article pose pour la première fois la question de la réception d’un texte essentiel pour l’histoire de la pensée européenne, le Liber de causis, en Transylvanie, aux confins de l’aire culturelle latine. Cette première tentative d’exploration se penche plus précisément sur un commentaire bien connu, appartenant à Thomas d’Aquin. Le commentaire, transmis sous une forme imprimée datant du 24 mai 1493, fait partie d’un volume composite qui se trouvait, aux alentours de 1500, dans la bibliothèque des frères dominicains (...) de Sibiu/Hermannstadt (en Roumanie), volume qui comprenait en outre un traité aristotélicien de Walter Burley, également imprimé (daté 8 juillet 1488), et un exemplaire manuscrit de la Métaphysique. Les auteurs s’intéressent au contexte de la transmission du commentaire au Liber de causis et à la signification à donner à la note marginale manuscrite placée en début du commentaire de Thomas d’Aquin : «hic liber est incorrectissime impressus». Ce détail témoignerait d’une connaissance et d’une réception actives de ce texte par les dominicains transylvains de la fin du Moyen Âge. (shrink)

One of the Eckhart’s most challenging reflections is his analysis of the Biblical passage of beatitude of poverty, developed in Sermon 52. What we seek here is the interpretation made by Eckhart of another Biblical passage, where he tries to think of which way wealth is the fundamental characteristic of God. What interests us here is elucidate the use of Liber de Causis in his interpretation of such passage and to understand how in both passages one can relate (...) the truly wealth with the truly poor. (shrink)

Avant-propos.--Notes: Y a-t-il eu un "avicennisme latin"? Guillaume d'Auvergne témoin de l'"Avicennisme latin." Avicenne et les décrets de 1210 et 1215. Un témoignage de Guillaume d'Auxerre. Un texte d'Albert le Grand. Le cas de Roger Bacon. La date, les sources et la doctrine du "Liber de causis primis et secundis."--Textes: Le "Liber de causis primis et secundis." La fin du "De anima" de Gundissalinus. Tables.